Groups pushing anti-trans laws want to divide the LGBTQ movement

The following year, Alliance Defending Freedom spread the manufactured bathroom panic and launched a nationwide effort to change public school district policies to exclude trans students, spreading misinformation that trans kids were making bathrooms. “dangerous” baths. He provided similar model legislation to states, the Student Physical Privacy Act, which included a $2,500 bounty per trans student reported for using the “wrong” bathroom, paid to students who reported them (a scam tactic). Self-Defense Who Would Return in 2021 Texas Abortion Ban, Senate Bill 8). A Media Matters analysis identified nearly identical language in bills introduced in 2015 in Nevada, Kentucky, Minnesota and Texas. None of these bills became law, but moral panic was spreading. And the ADF managed to get its model policy adopted by at least one school district, in Gloucester County, Va., which local news dubbed a “children’s privacy” policy. This was overturned in 2021, after a Supreme Court challenge brought by a student, Gavin Grimm, who at that time was no longer a student there.

The first real victory for the Christian right with this strategy came in November 2015, in Houston, Texas. In a move reminiscent of the failure of Arizona’s bill, anti-trans groups have used a disinformation campaign about bathroom safety to repeal Houston’s Equal Rights Ordinance, or HERO, recently adopted. The Family Research Council and Alliance Defending Freedom provided support for activists in Texas; the Family Policy Alliance praised them, proclaiming, “As the gay and transgender lobby’s radical agenda has rocked the nation in recent years, ‘pushback’ is gaining momentum,” and “It started in Houston.” The national Christian right has helped replicate Texas’ success with perhaps the most nationally publicized anti-LGBTQ bill sold as a “bathroom bill,” House Bill 2 of North Carolina, drawing inspiration – in a common move now – from the ADF Model Legislation.

At the same time, the broader anti-trans framework of the Christian right was formalizing. In June 2015, the Family Research Council released its strategy for “responding to the transgender movement”. He claimed, in typical gaslight type, that “transgender activists attribute their problems to ‘transphobia’.” He then quoted “feminist author Janice Raymond” – specifically that “she refers to ‘transsexualism’ as ‘the falsification of reality’. “Anti-trans discrimination and trans people themselves thus reduced to fiction, FRC then pushed for policies that would both define trans people outside the law and make life as a trans person almost impossible. . Its specific policy goals were framed as controversies to begin with: “Should the government legally recognize gender reassignments? “Should the government force others to recognize sex changes?” “Should the government force others to pay for medical sex reassignment procedures? To turn this into action, the Christian right would continue to lean on anti-trans feminists and eventually woo them.

The Trump years, which reinvigorated a mainstream feminist movement in the United States, also saw the entrenchment of anti-trans feminism. “The real war on women,” the head of Washington state’s right-wing Christian group Family Policy Institute wrote in 2016, was the “transgender phenomenon,” which was “an attempt to force the world to accept that being a woman is nothing more”. just a feeling. As Cole Parke of Political Research Associates noted at the time, in a report on this alliance, “Under the guise of feminism, they are ready for battle, their patriarchal battle cry being: ‘Protect our daughters! ‘”. year, at the Values ​​Voter Summit, the tactics of anti-trans advocates became even clearer: they now saw anti-trans feminists as natural allies.

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